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Umm al-Hiran

Umm al-Hiran

Northern Negev, 18 January 2017

Forensic Architecture collaborated with Activestills to investigate the killing of the a Bedouin man, Yaqub Musa Abu al-Qi’an, and of a policeman, Erez Levi on January 18, 2017 in the illegalized Bedouin village of Umm al-Hiran in the northern Negev. 

Shortly before dawn January 18, a large police force raided the village in order to prepare for the demolition of several houses. This demolition was part of a plan to remove the entire village in order to clear the area for the building a new settlement for Jews only. The police said Abu al-Qi’an was involved in a terrorist attack and suggested he had “links to DAESH”. Local residents and activists said the policemen shot Abu al-Qi’an without provocation, and that following this shooting Abu al-Qi’an lost control over his car which went on driving over the policemen.

To investigate the incident Forensic Architecture synchronised videos shot on the ground by members of Activestills with aerial footage released by Israeli police. The video we produced overlays the voiceover of the ground videos over the aerial police footage. 

Our analysis shows that Abu al-Qi’an’s car was proceeding slowly towards the general direction of the policemen when it was shot 3 times. This was followed by a burst of 4 gunshots. 

4 seconds after the first shot was fired his car changes course and drove towards a group of policemen. 

6 seconds after the first shot the car hits the policemen. 

This is followed by a long burst of fire. The car’s horn is heard continuously sounding, suggesting that the driver might be incapacitated. 

13 seconds after the first shot the car comes to a standstill. 

We can also identify the clear sound of a single gunshot at a time several policemen are seen surrounding the stopped vehicle. This last shot is consistent with what the Israeli security personnel calls “verification of killing” — the shooting to kill of already neutralised people.

Forensic Architecture team

  • Oren Ziv
  • Ariel Caine
  • Eyal Weizman
  • Christina Varvia
  • Nichola Czyz

Collaborating Organizations

  • Activestills (Keren Manor)
 



Flare

In a video of the event shot on mobile phone from an overlooking hill,  we later identified a single shot. It is possible that the single shot we recorded in the first video is a flair.

Ongoing Investigation

Contrary to police claims, al-Qi’an’s headlights were On

“..Almost every element of the story police relayed in the hours after the deadly incident has been repudiated in various media reports and investigations. Now, it seems the police claim that Yaqub Musa Abu al-Qi’an was driving with his lights off, which allegedly made police suspect he was carrying out a vehicular attack, is most likely untrue as well…video shows Abu al-Qi’an’s vehicle, after three shots were fired at it, heading down a slope with its headlights on — before striking any police officers.”

Video contradicts more police claims in Umm el-Hiran killing by John Brown, +972  Published February 1, 2017

In an Al Jazeera news report broadcast the day after the incident, we noticed a short video segment which we believed showed Yaqub Abu al-Qi’an’s car at the first moments of the incident. There is a flashlight pointed at the car and its headlights are on. Abu al-Qi’an’s car does not seem to be moving in an  irregular pace.



“..Later that day, police released a video clip filmed from a police helicopter overhead. “In the film you can see the terrorist standing on the side of the road with the lights of his car off, and the minute he notices the team of [police] he accelerates at them and hits them,” said the police. But in the film, shot with a thermal camera, it is not possible to see whether the lights of al-Kiyan’s jeep are off or not. Erdan repeated the police’s claim, saying it proved al-Kiyan’s intentions to run over the police officers. “

Killing of Bedouin Driver: New Video Contradicts Claim by Israeli Police by Almog Ben Zikri, Haaretz Feb 03, 2017

alQian_HeadlightsOn_fullframe

Image: Al Jazeera news

 

Umm al-Hiran

Northern Negev, 18 January 2017

Ongoing Investigation: the case of the police vehicle

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Guatemala: Operacion Sofia

GUATEMALA: OPERACION SOFIA

Environmental violence and genocide in the Ixil Triangle

The violence inflicted by Guatemalan state security forces — both military and military-organized civil militias — on the Ixil Maya people in the El Quiché region of West Guatemala (1978–84) amounted, according to Guatemala’s Commission for Historical Clarification (CEH) to “acts of genocide.” But genocide is not only the killing of people, for it also includes “environmental violence”: the destruction of the natural and built environment as part of a military strategy.

The investigation attempts to read the environment not just as the location of conflict, but as the means by which it unfolds. This research formed a report produced on behalf of the prosecution in the case of genocide committed against the Ixil people. Our research was included in a series of trials taking place in Guatemala, including the retrial of former dictator Efraín Ríos Montt in the National Court of Guatemala and in the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.

Forensic Architecture team

  • Eyal Weizman (Principal Investigator)
  • Paulo Tavares (research & coordination)
  • Daniel Fernández-Pascual (research)
  • Hannah Meszaros Martin (research)
  • Maya Cueva Franco (research)

SITU Research team

  • Bradley Samuels (Managing Partner)
  • Akshay Mehra (research)
  • Charles Perrault (research)

Collaborating Organisations

  • CALDH – Centro para la Acción Legal en Derechos Humanos (Rodrigo Salvadó and Edwin Cannil)
  • ODHAG – Oficina de Derechos Huamanos del Arzobispado de Guatemala (Raul Najera and Ana Carolina)

Interactive Platform

Forensic Architecture’s research on environmental violence was designed to complement other studies of the conflict. In order to demonstrate the multifaceted nature of environmental violence, our research was presented in the form of a web-based interactive cartography produced in collaboration with SITU Research. The platform is able to establish the spatial and temporal relation between otherwise separate pieces of evidence.


The Mineral Geology of Genocide


Guatemala Investigation: The Mineral Geology of Genocide (part II). Forensic Architecture and SITU Research. Realisation by Steffen Kraemer.

Animated composite mapping


The transformation of the Ixil area between 1979 and 1986. Topographic model with a projected sequence of composite maps demonstrating how deforestation, pattern of massacres, destruction of native villages, and construction of new “model villages” transformed the area between 1979 and 1986. Visualization: Forensic Architecture and SITU Research.
NDVI map

Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) analysis of the Ixil territory for satellite images taken in 1979 and 1986, the years that bracket the genocide. Green indicates heavy vegetation and red signifies little vegetation. Visualization: Forensic Architecture and SITU Research.

Map depicting the density of massacres registered by the UN-backed Commission for Historical Clarification (CEH) during the thirty-six years of civil war. The zone of greatest intensity overlaps with the ancestral territory of the Ixil Maya. Visualization: Forensic Architecture and SITU Research.

Map depicting the density of massacres registered by the UN-backed Commission for Historical Clarification (CEH) during the thirty-six years of civil war. The zone of greatest intensity overlaps with the ancestral territory of the Ixil Maya.
Visualization: Forensic Architecture and SITU Research.

Taken over by wild grass, this partially cleared plot of land was formerly occupied by a wooden house. On the left side of the image an avocado tree can be identified, a signifier of the plot’s former occupants. Village of Xolcuay, Ixil territory, 2013. Photo: Paulo Tavares.

Taken over by wild grass, this partially cleared plot of land was formerly occupied by a wooden house. On the left side of the image an avocado tree can be identified, a signifier of the plot’s former occupants.
Village of Xolcuay, Ixil territory, 2013.
Photo: Paulo Tavares.

Aerial image of the model village of Acul in which survivors of the massacres were concentrated, circa 1984. Source: Magazine of the Guatemalan army, Polos de Desarrolo y Servicios, 1984.

Aerial image of the model village of Acul in which survivors of the massacres were concentrated, circa 1984.
Source: Magazine of the Guatemalan army, Polos de Desarrolo y Servicios, 1984.

Map identifying the location of unmarked graves⎯in which victims of the civil war were buried⎯uncovered by the Fundación de Atropología Forense de Guatemala (FAFG) at a cemetery in the city of Escuintla, southern central Guatemala. Photo: Forensic Architecture.

Map identifying the location of unmarked graves⎯in which victims of the civil war were buried⎯uncovered by the Fundación de Atropología Forense de Guatemala (FAFG) at a cemetery in the city of Escuintla, southern central Guatemala. Photo: Paulo Tavares and Eyal Weizman.

Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) analysis of the Ixil territory for satellite images taken in 1979 and 1986, the years that bracket the genocide. Green indicates heavy vegetation and red signifies little vegetation. Two trends are noticeable: increased deforestation in the areas surrounding the major towns (the destruction of the forest went hand in hand with the destruction of villages); and an increase in vegetation cover in the northern areas, possibly signaling abandoned fields taken over by the wilderness. Visualization: Forensic Architecture and SITU Research.

Two trends are noticeable: increased deforestation in the areas surrounding the major towns (the destruction of the forest went hand in hand with the destruction of villages); and an increase in vegetation cover in the northern areas, possibly signaling abandoned fields taken over by the wilderness.

Housing density in the “Ixil Triangle.” Mayan villages were dispersed in the arable valleys between the mountain slopes. In this image the yellow dots mark the location of individual houses in 1964, before the campaign began. The red squares mark the location of new settlements and model villages into which all dispersed households were concentrated. This territorial reorganization employed by the Guatemalan military sought to concentrate the Ixil population into urbanized zones, radically altering their way of life. Visualization: Forensic Architecture and SITU Research.

Housing density in the “Ixil Triangle.” Mayan villages were dispersed in the arable valleys between the mountain slopes. In this image the yellow dots mark the location of individual houses in 1964, before the campaign began. The red squares mark the location of new settlements and model villages into which all dispersed households were concentrated. This territorial reorganization employed by the Guatemalan military sought to concentrate the Ixil population into urbanized zones, radically altering their way of life.
Visualization: Forensic Architecture and SITU Research.

Ruins at the village of Pexla Grande, Ixil territory, 2013. Photo: Paulo Tavares.

Ruins at the village of Pexla Grande, Ixil territory, 2013.
Photo: Paulo Tavares.

The DNA identification room at Laboratorio Clyde Snow, Guatemala City, November 2011. Photo: Paulo Tavares, Eyal Weizman.

The DNA identification room at Laboratorio Clyde Snow, Guatemala City, November 2011.
Photo: Paulo Tavares, Eyal Weizman.

Excavation of clandestine graves at the cemetery in Escuintla, Guatemala. Photo: Paulo Tavares and Eyal Weizman.

Excavation of clandestine graves at the cemetery in Escuintla, Guatemala.
Photo: Paulo Tavares and Eyal Weizman.

 

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Living Death Camps

LIVING DEATH CAMPS

Staro Sajmište / Omarska, former Yugoslavia

Living Death Camps describes the condition of two former concentration camps located in the territory of ex-Yugoslavia: the World War II-era camp of Staro Sajmište, and the camp of Omarska, dating from the Yugoslav war. Both are presently inhabited and used for other purposes.

Living Death Camps names a collaborative project that seeks to investigate the complex material and political issues currently unfolding around these two sites, and to understand how the politics of commemoration in which each of them is embroiled.

Each of these sites has a complex and singular history, which we have undertaken to expose in our research. It is by addressing the specificity of each site that we sought to understand and intervene in the respective transformation of each site into a post-conflict site of commemoration. Starting from the acknowledgment that these two former death camps are presently inhabited and used, that they are places upon which the lives of many depend, we argue that it is a necessity for each of these sites to develop a project of commemoration that would remain responsive to the demands of ongoing life.

In an attempt to engage with this necessity and the difficult questions surrounding it, our research has turned to some of the methods of contemporary archaeology. Our forensics have surveyed and explored the multiplicity of events registered in the materiality of each site, without an a priori focus on the historical layer that the death camp has left behind. The material entanglement of historical layers in each site forms the ground upon which a call for a simultaneous attention to its present and pasts can be made.

An inverted symmetry emerges from the research we have conducted in each of the two sites. While in both our research culminated in the assembly of a public forum, in Staro Sajmište we opposed plans for commemoration that involved the eviction of its current residents, while in Omarska we demanded that the local community be granted the right to commemorate the tragic events that took place on the site – which is today occupied by a commercial mine in operation.

Forensic Architecture Team

  • Eyal Weizman (Principal Investigator)
  • Susan Schuppli (research and coordination – Omarska)
  • Francesco Sebregondi (research and coordination – Staro Sajmište)
  • Steffen Krämer (videography & video editing)
  • Srdjan Jovanovic Weiss (research – Staro Sajmište)

In Partnership With

  • Grupa Spomenik
  • Working Group Four Faces of Omarska
  • Caroline Sturdy Colls, Centre of Archaeology at Staffordshire University
  • ScanLAB Projects

Press

“Burden of Proof” by Tom Holert, Artforum March 2013

“A memorial in exile in London’s Olympics: orbits of responsibility,” Susan Schuppli, openDemocracy July 2012



Staro Sajmište: The Inverted Horizon

Staro Sajmište, or the Old Fairground, was built in 1938 on the outskirts of Belgrade to host international exhibitions and to pres- ent the Kingdom of Yugoslavia as a modern, industrialized, and technologically advanced nation. During World War II, following the German invasion of 1941, the fairground was transformed by the occupying Nazis into a death camp, where Jews, Roma, and political opponents were detained and killed. After the war, the remaining structures of the Sajmište complex became the residence of several generations of people—particularly those from the most vulnerable sections of society—and included artists’ studios, workshops, small industries, and homes for a Roma community. Due to the urban expansion of Belgrade over the past sixty years, Staro Sajmište is now at the center of the city.

Recently, another transformation of the site was announced. In light of the City of Belgrade’s project to establish a Holocaust memorial in Staro Sajmište, which would necessitate the eviction of some or all the current residents (the first evictions of residents started in the summer 2013), we attempted to highlight what we saw as an unacceptable contradiction: a Holocaust memorial cannot be built on a forcefully cleared ground without immediately compromising its purpose. In order for such a claim to be articulated and heard, it needed to be made on a material basis.

Forensic archaeologist Dr. Caroline Sturdy Colls has, in recent years, developed a methodology of investigation that she refers to as “non-invasive.” This involves using a range of complementary techniques, but it largely relies upon the sensing technology of Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR). This device transmits radar pulses into the ground to a depth of up to fifteen meters, and detects minute differences in the densities of the subsurface by recording the reflected signal. In the fuzzy three-dimensional model of the subsoil it produces, one can identify buried objects, voids and cracks, and other disturbances in the soil structure. Sturdy Colls uses this method to map and digitally explore the subterranean strata of historic sites, in particular those shaped by a history of violence. We approached her in the spring of 2012 to work on an extensive survey of Staro Sajmište, putting her in collaboration with ScanlAB Projects, a london-based practice that specializes in large-scale 3D data capture. A singular image of the site at Staro Sajmište, above and below ground, has emerged from this collaboration.

Our survey has resulted in a report titled An Archaeological Assessment of the Area of the Former Judenlager and Anhaltlager at Staro Sajmište, Belgrade, Serbia, which analyzes the different structures, additions, and alterations that have accumulated on the site’s thick ground. The report sought to unpack the history of the site as a process of ongoing transformation; it searched for historical and material continuities as well as ruptures. In this approach, all layers of the site, including and in particular those composed of its recent and present daily use, are regarded as archaeologically significant. Above all, the report demonstrates that Staro Sajmište’s multiple historical layers are inextricably entangled, and mutually dependent.

On October 5, 2013, we convened a public forum inside one of Staro Sajmište’s most infamous structures—the former German pavilion, which had served as accommodation for the camp’s inmates during World War II. There we publicly presented our archaeological report, which served to provoke an open discussion about the future of the site.

The report confirms a counterintuitive fact: Staro Sajmište stands today thanks to its ongoing inhabitation, which has sustained it for the past sixty years. As Sturdy Colls put it in her presentation of the report: “The role of the people who have been living here since the war should be duly acknowledged. Because in actual fact, the people who have lived in these buildings have played a role in preserving them. Many of these buildings wouldn’t be here if people hadn’t lived in them.”

Not only did the residents of the site prevent its structures from degenerating into rubble—as happens after the long-term inoc- cupation of a building—but their number and distribution over the entire site has successfully hindered the realization of several redevelopment plans during the post-World War II period—which could have meant the destruction of the historical buildings to make room for a denser or more profitable urban quarter. Based on these findings, our claim—which we publicly put forward on the occasion of the public forum—was the following: rather than evict the people living and working in Staro Sajmište, the City of Belgrade has a duty towards them, and surely must include them as an active party in any future plan for commemoration.

The first transformation of Staro Sajmište from an exhibition ground into a concentration camp demonstrates a strange continuity between the two very different functions of the same compound—both made use of the same geometry of vision of pavilions around a central tower. The second transformation from a camp into a living neighborhood illustrates a concept that philosopher Giorgio Agamben describes as “profanation”— “restoring into common use” of those things that have been excluded, separated, bounded, put out of access and touch. Today’s plans for returning the site to its original function—thereby completing a circuit that leads from a fairground through a concentration camp to a museum—would imply the re-sanctification of the site in the meaning of its exclusion from daily life. “Everything today can become a Museum,” Agamben writes, “because this term simply designates the exhibition of an impossibility of using, of dwelling, of experiencing.”

An appropriate commemorative project for Staro Sajmište would include a plan to rehabilitate its homes and modernise its collective infrastructure, in order to support its potential as a common space. The concept of a living death camp would demand that any commemoration plan should see to the improvement of the living conditions of the communities that have turned this place into a neighbourhood, and that have kept its material history alive.

Aerial image of the newly built fairground with Belgrade in the background, 1937. The panoptic structure of the camp is clearly identifiable. Image: courtesy of the Jewish Historical Museum, Belgrade.

Aerial image of the newly built fairground with Belgrade in the background, 1937. The panoptic structure of the camp is clearly identifiable.
Image: courtesy of the Jewish Historical Museum, Belgrade.

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Semlin camp, circa 1941. Originally constructed as ticket booths for the fairground, the buildings in the foreground later became the gatehouses of the camp, photo circa 1941. Image: courtesy of the Jewish Historical Museum, Belgrade.

German Pavilion in the fairground, 1937. Image: courtesy of the Jewish Historical Museum, Belgrade.

German Pavilion in the fairground, 1937.
Image: courtesy of the Jewish Historical Museum, Belgrade.

Aerial photograph of the Semlin camp in 1944, showing the bomb craters of the Allied raids over Belgrade. Image: courtesy of Jovan Byford.

Aerial photograph of the Semlin camp in 1944, showing the bomb craters of the Allied raids over Belgrade.
Image: courtesy of Jovan Byford.

The Central Tower in its current state (2012). Image: Forensic Architecture.

The Central Tower in its current state (2012).
Image: Forensic Architecture.

Interior of mechanical workshop occupying the former German Pavilion, 2012. 3D-Laser Scan data. Image: ScanLAB Projects / Forensic Architecture.

Interior of mechanical workshop occupying the former German Pavilion, 2012. 3D-Laser Scan data.
Image: ScanLAB Projects / Forensic Architecture.

Plan of Staro Sajmište (the former Semlin death camp) in Belgrade. The survey combined two distinct data-capture technologies: on-site features lying above the ground were recorded via 3D laser scanning, while we searched for buried features using Ground Penetrating Radar. The rectangular surfaces that appear mainly in blue are snapshots of the underground, and the colored elements within them mark disruptions to the soil structure. Image: ScanLAB Projects/Caroline Sturdy Colls/Forensic Architecture, 2013.

Plan of Staro Sajmište (the former Semlin death camp) in Belgrade. The survey combined two distinct data-capture technologies: on-site features lying above the ground were recorded via 3D laser scanning, while we searched for buried features using Ground Penetrating Radar. The rectangular surfaces that appear mainly in blue are snapshots of the underground, and the colored elements within them mark disruptions to the soil structure.
Image: ScanLAB Projects/Caroline Sturdy Colls/Forensic Architecture, 2013.


Survey Area I, 2012. Annotated depth plots of the GPR data viewed in plan. Feature A bisects the survey area from east to west and most likely represents a pipe, probably for sewage. Feature B is a modern path. Feature C is visible from 0.10 m deep and is present as an area of medium reflection until approximately 0.72 m. Strangely, it returns as a low reflection feature at approximately 1.24 m. It seems likely that this feature represents some form of back-filled ditch, but its purpose is unclear. It might also represent a remnant of a historical settlement, predating all other features. Image: Forensic Architecture / Caroline Sturdy Colls.

Survey Area I, 2012. Annotated depth plots of the GPR data viewed in plan. Feature A bisects the survey area from east to west and most likely represents a pipe, probably for sewage. Feature B is a modern path. Feature C is visible from 0.10 m deep and is present as an area of medium reflection until approximately 0.72 m. Strangely, it returns as a low reflection feature at approximately 1.24 m. It seems likely that this feature represents some form of back-filled ditch, but its purpose is unclear. It might also represent a remnant of a historical settlement, predating all other features.
Image: Forensic Architecture / Caroline Sturdy Colls.

Survey Area I, 2012. Depth of GPR data as visualized in GSSI RADAN® software. The elliptical feature C is visible. This strange feature, defiantly located amongst all the other historical layers, complicates the history of the site. Image: Forensic Architecture / Caroline Sturdy Colls.

Survey Area I, 2012. Depth of GPR data as visualized in GSSI RADAN® software. The elliptical feature C is visible. This strange feature, defiantly located amongst all the other historical layers, complicates the history of the site.
Image: Forensic Architecture / Caroline Sturdy Colls.

Omarska: Memorial in Exile

In 2005 ArcelorMittal made a commitment to finance and build a memorial on the grounds of Omarska, the site of the most notorious concentration camp of the Bosnian war. Two decades later, no resolution as to how to commemorate the tragic events that took place on its grounds have been found.

In a chance meeting near the mine, Director of ArcelorMittal Prijedor Mladen Jelača, proudly confirmed to us that the ArcelorMittal Orbit, the towering symbol of the london 2012 Olympics, was being fabricated with iron ore that came from the Omarska mine. This material link between london and Omarska—between a site where crimes against humanity were committed and another that celebrated that same universal humanity—formed the basis of our collective project. On July 2, 2012, shortly before the opening of the Olympics, we hosted a press conference in the immediate vicinity of the Olympic park. With the participation of survivors from the Omarska and Prijedor camps, we reclaimed the ArcelorMittal Orbit as the Omarska Memorial in exile.

Prijedor is in the region that is referred to, after the Dayton Peace Agreement, as Republika Srpska—an area whose demographics were dramatically affected by the war and where ethnic cleansing was the most intense and successful. Bosnian Muslims we spoke to, who had returned under the agreement, complained of daily harassment and continued discrimination. While ArcelorMittal claims it is fully aware of its responsibilities towards the local community and its employees, the mine’s postwar workforce is comprised almost exclusively of Bosnian Serbs.

ArcelorMittal insists on “not taking sides in this debate with- out engagement or prior agreement of the local communities and local/international stakeholders concerned.” Not taking sides in an area where persecution and injustice continue is not an act of neutrality but constitutes a political position by default. Not taking sides maintains the impasse of the present and forecloses the possibility of moving forward. Through the Memorial in exile project, we aimed to raise public awareness of this material amnesia, and to put continued pressure on ArcelorMittal—demanding that it use its enormous influence to facilitate the entrance into public discourse of the history of the Omarska death camp.

Twenty years after it first emerged in the public sphere, the case of Omarska regained considerable public attention through our project.10 It may be that this contributed to bringing about a significant softening in ArcelorMittal’s policy regarding public access to the site. As a consequence, our team was granted access to the Omarska mine on October 3, 2012, to conduct a detailed photographic and 3D laser-scanning survey of the notorious White House. In 1992, this rather banal-looking one-story pitched-roof house functioned as a place for the torture and execution of inmates. Witnesses who testified in the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) described an accumulating pile of bodies rising in a deadly mound beside it. The White House was also the site chosen by ArcelorMittal to build a memorial in a 2005 project that was later abandoned.

3D laser-scanning technology allowed us to capture a millimeter-perfect model of the interior, exterior, and immediate surroundings of the White House. The level of detail it provides allows one to identify features that are hardly visible to the naked eye, such as the footprint of a boot on an interior wall, but also remnants of improvised attempts at commemoration. The capture of this model constitutes a future-oriented archive. Considering the planned cessation of the ICTY’s activities at the end of 2016, the fate of the White House in the coming years is uncertain. Access to such a significant place of mourning for the relatives of the camp’s victims still remains highly restricted today. In the context of the ongoing negotiation of a commemorative project for Omarska, this singular three-dimensional archive has the potential to be mobilised in unexpected ways.

The Omarska mine and its surrounding landscape. According to recent geological assessments there are still some 347 metric tons of limonite and carbon-ore reserves in the river valleys of the Sana, Una, and Gomjenica, between the mountains of Kozara and Grmec. Limonite has been mined for more than two thousand years in this region of Bosnia.

The Omarska mine and its surrounding landscape. According to recent geological assessments there are still some 347 metric tons of limonite and carbon-ore reserves in the river valleys of the Sana, Una, and Gomjenica, between the mountains of Kozara and Grmec. Limonite has been mined for more than two thousand years in this region of Bosnia.

IT-99-36: Brdjanin. Picture of the Omarska Camp Model (0400-9592). Exhibit P1128.4. Date: 30 / 10 / 2002. Submitted by the Prosecution at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Image: ICTY Court Records.

IT-99-36: Brdjanin. Picture of the Omarska Camp Model (0400-9592). Exhibit P1128.4. Date: 30 / 10 / 2002. Submitted by the Prosecution at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY).
Image: ICTY Court Records.

Twenty years after the war crimes committed there, still no space of public commemoration exists. Ground, buildings, and equipment once used for extermination now serve a commercial enterprise run by the world’s largest steel producer.

Twenty years after the war crimes committed there, still no space of public commemoration exists. Ground, buildings, and equipment once used for extermination now serve a commercial enterprise run by the world’s largest steel producer.

ArcelorMittal Orbit, London Olympic Stadium, 2012. Image: Courtesy of ArcelorMittal.

ArcelorMittal Orbit, London Olympic Stadium, 2012. Image: Courtesy of ArcelorMittal. Rising to the soaring height of 114.5 meters and outstripping even the Statue of liberty by two meters, the ArcelorMittal Orbit boasts an impressive compendium of statistics: 1,500 tons of steel, 35,000 bolts, 19,000 liters of paint, 770 visitors per hour and 5,000 per day, vistas stretching 20 miles into the distance, and a overall price tag of £22.7 million, £19.6 million of which was funded by ArcelorMittal.

The facts and figures of the ArcelorMittal Orbit, the showpiece of london’s 2012 Olympics, are tragically intertwined with the history of war crimes that took place on the very grounds from which ArcelorMittal subsequently began to extract not only its soaring global profits, but the very iron ore that the director of ArcelorMittal Prijedor boasts has been used in the construction of the Orbit.

The facts and figures of the ArcelorMittal Orbit, the showpiece of london’s 2012 Olympics, are tragically intertwined with the history of war crimes that took place on the very grounds from which ArcelorMittal subsequently began to extract not only its soaring global profits, but the very iron ore that the director of ArcelorMittal Prijedor boasts has been used in the construction of the Orbit.

Aerial view of Omarska mine. From the Four Faces of Omarska Archive, source unknown.

Aerial view of Omarska mine. From the Four Faces of Omarska Archive, source unknown.

New battle breaks out over Serb death camp, The Guardian, December 2, 2004.

New battle breaks out over Serb death camp, The Guardian, December 2, 2004.

The story that links london to Omarska forcefully came to our attention when a group of us, including survivors of the conentration camp, drove around the perimeter of the Omarska mining complex in April 2012. At a certain point we pulled off to the side of the road where a white building was barely visible in the distance. Anxiety mounted as we lingered to talk and take some pictures, the survivors fearful that this unauthorized stop might make future access to the site even more difficult.

The story that links london to Omarska forcefully came to our attention when a group of us, including survivors of the conentration camp, drove around the perimeter of the Omarska mining complex in April 2012. At a certain point we pulled off to the side of the road where a white building was barely visible in the distance. Anxiety mounted as we lingered to talk and take some pictures, the survivors fearful that this unauthorized stop might make future access to the site even more difficult.

Another series of facts: 3,400 Bosniaks and Croats from Prijedor went missing or were killed during 1992, the summer of the massacre. At least 3,334 were imprisoned in the camp at Omarska, 700 to 800 were exterminated, 37 female detainees were repeatedly raped and tortured, upwards of 150 men singled out daily for execution. One thousand men, women, and children from the Prijedor region are still missing.

Another series of facts: 3,400 Bosniaks and Croats from Prijedor went missing or were killed during 1992, the summer of the massacre. At least 3,334 were imprisoned in the camp at Omarska, 700 to 800 were exterminated, 37 female detainees were repeatedly raped and tortured, upwards of 150 men singled out daily for execution. One thousand men, women, and children from the Prijedor region are still missing.

n the absence of a promised memorial, london’s Olympic landmark, the ArcelorMittal Orbit, was reclaimed as the Omarska Memorial in exile on July 2, 2012. Anirban Gupta Nigam: An act of reclaiming made possible because of the material power of steel to forge a connection between two disparate localities, events, and times. Between two geographies where corporate power, aesthetic practice, and large-scale mining are colliding in interesting and danger- ous ways: the camp in Omarska, and the Olympic Tower in london.

In the absence of a promised memorial, London’s Olympic landmark, the ArcelorMittal Orbit, was reclaimed as the Omarska Memorial in exile on July 2, 2012. Anirban Gupta Nigam: An act of reclaiming made possible because of the material power of steel to forge a connection between two disparate localities, events, and times. Between two geographies where corporate power, aesthetic practice, and large-scale mining are colliding in interesting and danger- ous ways: the camp in Omarska, and the Olympic Tower in london.


 

For a more in-depth account of this project, see the book FORENSIS: The Architecture of Public Truth.